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Title: The Constitutional Development of Japan 1863-1881

Author: Toyokichi Iyenaga

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Language: English

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JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE

HERBERT B. ADAMS, Editor




History is past Politics and Politics present History.--_Freeman_

NINTH SERIES

IX

THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF JAPAN, 1853-1881

BY TOYOKICHI IYENAGA, PH. D.

Professor of Political Science in Tokio Senmon-Gakko

September, 1891





CONTENTS.


INTRODUCTORY


CHAP. I. (1853-1868). BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT

THE CIRCUMSTANCES THAT GAVE RISE TO THE MOVEMENT

THE ACCOUNT OF COMMODORE PERRY'S ARRIVAL BY THE AUTHOR OF GENJE YUME
MONOGATARI

DISCUSSION BETWEEN THE PRINCE OF MITO AND THE TOKUGAWA OFFICIALS AT
THE COURT OF YEDO

CONCLUSION OF TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN

THE OLD PRINCE OF MITO, NARIAKI

II KAMON NO KAMI

BOMBARDMENTS OF KAGOSHIMA AND SHIMONOSHEKI

THE EFFECTS OF THE BOMBARDMENT

1. Showed the Weakness of the Daimios and the Strength of foreigners

2. Showed the Necessity of National Union, and of the Reconstruction
of the Administrative Machinery of the Empire

GREAT COUNCILS OF KUGES AND DAIMIOS.

1. Their Nature and Organization

2. How they originated

3. In them lay the Germ of the future Constitutional Parliament of
Japan


CHAP. II. (1868-1869). THE RESTORATION

CAUSES OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE SHOGUNATE

1. Revival of Learning

2. Revival of Shintoism

3. Jealousy and Cupidity of the Southern Daimios

THE RESIGNATION OF THE SHOGUN

THE MOTIVE OF HIS RESIGNATION

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RESTORATION

1. Its Organization

2. Its Departments

FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT

REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL TO TOKIO

THE CHARTER OATH OF THE EMPEROR, APRIL 17, 1869

THE KOGISHO

1. Its Origin

2. Its Composition

3. Its Nature


CHAP. III. (1869-1871). THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT OF THE KOGISHO

ABOLITION SCHEME OF SCHOLARS IS BACKED BY THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS

MEMORIAL OF THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS

IMPERIAL DECREE OF 1871, ABOLISHING FEUDALISM

CAUSES OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM


CHAP. IV. INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE GROWTH OF THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA
OF GOVERNMENT

JOHN STEWART MILL'S ENUMERATION OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR
THE SUCCESS OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT

JAPAN OF 1871 NOT YET READY FOR THE ADOPTION OF REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT

POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF A NATION NOT ISOLATED FROM OTHER SPHERES OF ITS
ACTIVITIES

JAPAN'S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT GREATLY AIDED BY HER SOCIAL,
EDUCATIONAL, INDUSTRIAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGES

SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THESE NON-POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS FROM
1868 TO 1881

1. Means of Communication

a. Telegraph
b. Postal System
c. Railroad
d. Steamers and the Coasting Trade

2. Educational Institutions

3. Newspapers

CHANGES IN LAW AND RELIGION


CHAP. V. (1871-1881). PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT FROM THE
ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM TO THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881

LEADERS OF THE RESTORATION

EFFECT OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM

THE IWAKURA EMBASSY

IWAKURA, ITO, INOUYE

FUKUZAWA

THE PRESS AND ITS INFLUENCES

RI-SHI-SHA AND COUNT ITAGAKI

MEMORIALS OF RI-SHI-SHA TO THE EMPEROR

ESTABLISHMENT OF LOCAL ASSEMBLIES

THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881, TO ESTABLISH A PARLIAMENT IN
1890






INTRODUCTORY.

The power which destroyed Japanese feudalism and changed in that
country an absolute into a constitutional monarchy was a resultant
of manifold forces. The most apparent of these forces is the foreign
influence. Forces less visible but more potent, tending in this
direction, are those influences resulting from the growth of commerce
and trade, from the diffusion of western science and knowledge among
the people, and from the changes in social habits and religious
beliefs. The truth of the solidarity of the varied interests of a
social organism is nowhere so well exemplified as in the history of
modern Japan. Her remarkable political development would have been
impossible had there been no corresponding social, educational,
religious, economic and industrial changes. In order to trace the
constitutional development of New Japan, it is therefore necessary:

1. To ascertain the political condition of the country at and after
the advent of foreigners in 1853.

2. To describe the form of government of the Restoration.

3. To examine the state of commerce, industry, education and social
life of Japan at each stage of her political transformations.

4. To recount the constitutional changes from the Restoration to the
Promulgation of the New Constitution.

As a novice in travel marks the broad outlines, the general features
and more important products of the country he visits for the first
time, so I shall dwell upon the historic landmarks of Japanese
constitutional development. This development no writer, native or
foreign, has yet attempted to trace. I shall withstand as much as
possible the temptation to refer to the multitude of events which
are more or less associated with the constitutional movement. I shall
endeavor to ascertain from the edicts, decrees, and proclamations of
the Emperor, from the orders and manifestos of the Shogun, from the
native authors and journals, from the memorials and correspondence
of prominent men, both native and foreign, the trend of our
constitutional development. I shall also endeavor to note the leading
ideas and principles which, after manifesting themselves in various
forms, have at last crystallized into the New Constitution of Japan.




CHAPTER I.

BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.


The constitutional movement of Japan began in a spontaneous agitation
of the whole body politic when the nation was irritated by the sudden
contact with foreigners. The sense of national weakness added a force
to this agitation. Had not the foreigners come, the Restoration might
have been effected, feudalism might have been abolished, but the
new Japanese constitution would hardly have seen the day. Had the
government of Japan at the time of the advent of foreigners been in
the strong hand of a Taiko or an Iyeyasu, the rulers might have been
greatly exercised by the extraordinary event, but public opinion
for reform would hardly have been called forth, and the birth of
constitutional liberty would long have been delayed. As the vices of
King John and the indifference and ignorance of the first two Georges
of England begat the strength and hope of the English Parliament, so
the public opinion of Japan sprouted out of the ruins of the Shogunate
regime. We must therefore seek for the beginning of the Constitutional
Movement of Japan in the peculiar circumstances in which she found
herself between 1853 and 1868.

The advent of Commodore Perry in 1853 was to Japan like the intrusion
of a foreign queen into a beehive. The country was stirred to
its depth. Let us note what a native chronicler[1] says about the
condition of Japan at the arrival of Perry:

"It was in the summer of 1853 that an individual named Perry, who
called himself the envoy of the United States of America, suddenly
arrived at Uraga, in the Province of Sagami, with four ships of war,
declaring that he brought a letter from his country to Japan and that
he wished to deliver it to the sovereign. The governor of the place,
Toda Idzu No Kami, much alarmed by this extraordinary event, hastened
to the spot to inform himself of its meaning. The envoy stated, in
reply to questions, that he desired to see a chief minister in order
to explain the object of his visit and to hand over to him the letter
with which he was charged. The governor then despatched a messenger
on horseback with all haste to carry this information to the castle
of Yedo, where a great scene of confusion ensued on his arrival. Fresh
messengers followed, and the Shogun Iyeyoshi, on receiving them, was
exceedingly troubled, and summoned all the officials[2] to a council.
At first the affair seemed so sudden and so formidable that they were
too alarmed to open their mouths, but in the end orders were issued to
the great clans to keep strict watch at various points on the shore,
as it was possible that the 'barbarian' vessels might proceed to
commit acts of violence. Presently a learned Chinese scholar was sent
to Uraga, had an interview with the American envoy, and returned
with the letter, which expressed the desire of the United States to
establish friendship and intercourse with Japan, and said, according
to this account, that if they met with a refusal they should commence
hostilities. Thereupon the Shogun was greatly distressed, and again
summoned a council. He also asked the opinion of the Daimios. The
assembled officials were exceedingly disturbed, and nearly broke their
hearts over consultations which lasted all day and all night. The
nobles and retired nobles in Yedo were informed that they were at
liberty to state any ideas they might have on the subject, and,
although they all gave their opinions, the diversity of propositions
was so great that no decision was arrived at. The military class
had, during a long peace, neglected military arts; they had given
themselves up to pleasure and luxury, and there were very few who had
put on armor for many years, so that they were greatly alarmed at the
prospect that war might break out at a moment's notice, and began to
run hither and thither in search of arms. The city of Yedo and the
surrounding villages were in a great tumult. And there was such a
state of confusion among all classes that the governors of the city
were compelled to issue a notification to the people, and this in the
end had the effect of quieting the general anxiety. But in the castle
never was a decision further from being arrived at, and, whilst time
was being thus idly wasted, the envoy was constantly demanding an
answer. So at last they decided that it would be best to arrange the
affair quietly, to give the foreigners the articles they wanted, and
to put off sending an answer to the letter--to tell the envoy that in
an affair of such importance to the state no decision could be arrived
at without mature consideration, and that he had better go away; that
in a short time he should get a definite answer. The envoy agreed, and
after sending a message to say that he should return in the following
spring for his answer, set sail from Uraga with his four ships."[3]

Thus was the renowned commander kept away for awhile. He went,
however, of his own accord. Perry was an astute diplomatist. He knew
that time was needed for the impressions which he and his magnificent
fleet had made upon the country to produce their natural effect.

The news of Perry's visit and demands spread far and wide with
remarkable rapidity. The government and the people were deeply
stirred. Soon the song of the "red-bearded barbarians" and of the
black ships was in everybody's mouth. The question "What shall Japan
do when the barbarians come next spring?" became the absorbing theme
of the day.

There was now but one of two policies which Japan could pursue, either
to shut up the country or to admit the foreigners' demand. There was
no middle course left. The American envoy would no longer listen to
the dilatory policy with which the Japanese had just bought a few
months' respite from anxiety.

The majority of the ruling class, the Samurai, were in favor of the
exclusion policy. So was the court of Kioto. But the views of the
court of Yedo were different. The court of Yedo had many men of
intelligence, common sense and experience--men who had seen the
American envoy and his squadron, equipped with all the contrivances
for killing men and devastating the country. These men knew too well
that resistance to the foreigners was futile and perilous.

Thus was the country early divided into two clearly defined parties,
the Jo-i[4] party and the Kai-Koku party.

Meanwhile, the autumn and winter of 1853 passed. The spring of 1854
soon came, and with it the intractable "barbarians." Let us hear the
author of Genje Yume Monogatari relate the return of Perry and the
great discussion that ensued at the court of Yedo:

"Early in 1854 Commodore Perry returned, and the question of acceding
to his demands was again hotly debated. The old prince of Mito was
opposed to it, and contended that the admission of foreigners
into Japan would ruin it. 'At first,' said he, 'they will give us
philosophical instruments, machinery and other curiosities; will take
ignorant people in, and, trade being their chief object, they will
manage bit by bit to impoverish the country, after which they will
treat us just as they like--perhaps behave with the greatest rudeness
and insult us, and end by swallowing up Japan. If we do not drive them
away now we shall never have another opportunity. If we now resort to
a dilatory method of proceeding we shall regret it afterwards when it
will be of no use.'

"The officials (of the Shogun), however, argued otherwise and
said: 'If we try to drive them away they will immediately commence
hostilities, and then we shall be obliged to fight. If we once get
into a dispute we shall have an enemy to fight who will not be easily
disposed of. He does not care how long a time he must spend over it,
but he will come with myriads of men-of-war and surround our shores
completely; he will capture our junks and blockade our ports, and
deprive us of all hope of protecting our coasts. However large a
number of ships we might destroy, he is so accustomed to that sort
of thing that he would not care in the least. Even supposing that our
troops were animated by patriotic zeal in the commencement of the war,
after they had been fighting for several years their patriotic zeal
would naturally become relaxed, the soldiers would become fatigued,
and for this we should have to thank ourselves. Soldiers who have
distinguished themselves are rewarded by grants of land, or else
you attack and seize the enemy's territory and that becomes your own
property; so every man is encouraged to fight his best. But in a war
with foreign countries a man may undergo hardships for years, may
fight as if his life were worth nothing, and, as all the land in this
country already has owners, there will be none to be given away as
rewards; so we shall have to give rewards in words or money. In time
the country would be put to an immense expense and the people be
plunged into misery. Rather than allow this, as we are not the equals
of foreigners in the mechanical arts, let us have intercourse with
foreign countries, learn their drill and tactics, and when we have
made the nation as united as one family, we shall be able to go abroad
and give lands in foreign countries to those who have distinguished
themselves in battle. The soldiers will vie with one another in
displaying their intrepidity, and it will not be too late then to
declare war. Now we shall have to defend ourselves against these
foreign enemies, skilled in the use of mechanical appliances, with
our soldiers whose military skill has considerably diminished during
a long peace of three hundred years, and we certainly could not feel
sure of victory, especially in a naval war.'"[5]

The Kai-Koku party, the party in favor of opening the country,
triumphed, and the treaty was finally concluded between the United
States and Japan on the 31st of March, 1854. After the return of
Commodore Perry to America, Townsend Harris was sent by the United
States Government as Consul-General to Japan. He negotiated the
commercial treaty between the United States and Japan on July 29,
1858.

At the heels of the Americans followed the English, French, Russians,
Dutch, and other nations. Japan's foreign relations became more and
more complicated and therefore difficult to manage.

The discussion quoted above is a type of the arguments used by the
Jo-i party and the Kai-Koku party. The history of Japanese politics
from 1853 to 1868 is the history of the struggle between these two
parties, each of which soon changed its name. As the Jo-i party allied
itself with the court of Kioto, it became the O-sei or Restoration
party. As the Kai-Koku party was associated with the court of Shogun,
it became the Bakufu party. The struggle ended in the triumph of the
Restoration party. But by that time the Jo-i party, from a cause which
I shall soon mention, had been completely transformed and converted to
the Western ideas.

Among the leaders of the Jo-i party was Nariaki, the old prince of
Mito. He belonged to one of the San Kay (three families), out of which
Iyeyasu ordered the Shogun to be chosen. He was connected by marriage
with the families of the Emperor and the highest Kuges in Miako, and
with the wealthiest Daimios. In power the Mito family thus ranked high
among the Daimios. Among the scholars the Prince of Mito was popular.
The prestige of his great ancestor, the compiler of Dai-Nihon-Shi, had
not yet died out. The Prince of Mito was thus naturally looked up to
by the scholars as the man of right principles and of noble ideas. A
shrewd, clever, and scheming old man, the Prince of Mito now became
the defender of the cause of the Emperor and the mouthpiece of the
conservative party.

At the head of the Bakufu party was a man of iron and fertile
resources, Ii Kamon No Kami. He was the Daimio of Hikone, a castled
town and fief on Lake Biwa, in Mino. His revenue was small, being only
three hundred and fifty thousand koku. But in position and power none
in the empire could rival him. He was the head of the Fudai Daimios.
His family was called the Dodai or foundation-stone of the power
of the Tokugawa dynasty. His ancestor, Ii Nawo Massa, had been
lieutenant-general and right-hand man of Iyeyas. Ii Kamon No Kami,
owing to the mental infirmity of the reigning Shogun, had lately
become his regent. Bold, ambitious, able, and unscrupulous, Ii was the
Richelieu of Japan. From this time on till his assassination on March
23, 1860, he virtually ruled the empire, and, in direct contravention
to the imperial will, negotiated with foreign nations, as we have
seen, for the opening of ports for trade with them. He was styled the
"swaggering prime minister," and his name was long pronounced with
contempt and odium. Lately, however, his good name has been rescued
and his fame restored by the noble effort of an able writer, Mr.
Saburo Shimada.[6] But this able prime minister fell on March 23,
1860, by the sword of Mito ronins, who alleged, as the pretext of
their crime, that "Ii Kamon No Kami had insulted the imperial
decree and, careless of the misery of the people, but making foreign
intercourse his chief aim, had opened ports." "The position of
the government upon the death of the regent was that of helpless
inactivity. The sudden removal of the foremost man of the empire was
as the removal of the fly-wheel from a piece of complicated machinery.
The whole empire stood aghast, expecting and fearing some great
political convulsion."[7]

The Shogun began to make a compromise to unite the Emperor's power and
the Shogun's, by taking the sister of the Emperor for his wife.

Meanwhile great events were taking place in the southern corner of
Kiushiu and on the promontory of Shikoku, events which were to effect
great changes in men's ideas. These were the bombardments of Kagoshima
and of Shimonosheki, the first on August 11, 1863, the second on
September 5, 1864. I shall not dwell here on the injustice of these
barbarous and heathenish acts of the so-called civilized and Christian
nations; for I am not writing a political pamphlet. But impartially
let us note the great effects of these bombardments.

I. These conflicts showed on a grand but sad scale the weakness of the
Daimios, even the most powerful of them, and, on the other hand, the
power of the foreigners and their rifled cannon and steamers. The
following Japanese memorandum expresses this point: "Satsuma's eyes
were opened since the fight of Kagoshima, and affairs appeared to him
in a new light; he changed in favor of foreigners, and thought now of
making his country powerful and completing his armaments."[8]

The Emperor also wrote in a rather pathetic tone to the Shogun
touching the relative strength of the Japanese and the foreigners: "I
held a council the other day with my military nobility (Daimios and
nobles), but unfortunately inured to the habits of peace, which for
more than two hundred years has existed in our country, we are unable
to exclude and subdue our foreign enemies by the forcible means of
war....

"If we compare our Japanese ships of war and cannon to those of the
barbarians, we feel certain that they are not sufficient to inflict
terror upon the foreign barbarians, and are also insufficient to make
the splendor of Japan shine in foreign countries. I should think
that we only should make ourselves ridiculous in the eyes of the
barbarians."[9]

From the time of the bombardment, Satsuma and Choshiu began to
introduce European machinery and inventions, to employ skilled
Europeans to teach them, and to send their young men to Europe and
America.

II. These bombardments showed the necessity of national union. Whether
she would repel or receive the foreigner, Japan must present a united
front. To this end, great change in the internal constitution of the
empire was needed; the internal resources of the nation had to be
gathered into a common treasury; the police and the taxes had to be
recognized as national, not as belonging to petty local chieftains;
the power of the feudal lords had to be broken in order to
reconstitute Japan as a single strong state under a single head. These
are the ideas which led the way to the Restoration of 1868. Thus the
bombardments of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki may be said to have helped
indirectly in the Restoration of that year. But before we proceed to
the history of the Restoration, let us examine what were the great
Councils of Kuges and Daimios, which were sometimes convened during
the period from 1857 to 1868.

The Council of Kuges was occasionally convened by the order of the
Emperor. It was composed of the princes of the blood, nobles, and
courtiers. The Council of Daimios was now and then summoned either by
the Emperor or by the Shogun. It was composed mostly of the Daimios.
These councils were like the Witenagemot of England, formed of the
wise and influential men of the kingdom. As the Daimios had far more
weight in the political scale of the realm than the Kuges, so the
council of the Daimios was of far more importance than that of the
Kuges. But it must not be understood that these councils were regular
meetings held in the modern parliamentary way; nor that they had
anything like the powers of the British Parliament or of the American
Congress. These councils of Japan were called into spasmodic life
simply by the necessity of the time. They were held either at the
court of Kioto or that of Yedo, or at other places appointed for the
purpose. The Kuges or Daimios assembled rather in an informal way,
measured by modern parliamentary procedure, but in accordance with the
court etiquette of the time, whose most minute regulations and rules
have often embarrassed and plagued the modern ministers accredited to
the court of the Emperor. Then these councils proceeded to discuss the
burning questions of the day, among which the most prominent was, of
course, the foreign policy. The earliest instance of the meeting of
the Council of Kuges was immediately after the news of Perry's arrival
had reached the court of Kioto. "Upon this," says the author of
Genje Yume Monogatari, "the Emperor was much disturbed, and called a
council, which was attended by a number of princes of the blood and
Kuges, and much violent language was uttered."

From this time on we meet often with the record of these councils.[10]
A native chronicler records that on the 29th day of the 12th month
of 1857 "a meeting of all Daimios (present in Yedo) was held in the
Haku-sho-in, a large hall in the castle of Yedo. The deliberations
were not over till two o'clock on the morning of the 30th."

Soon after this the Emperor ordered the Shogun to come to Kioto with
all the Daimios and ascertain the opinion of the country. But the
Shogun did not come, so the Emperor sent his envoy, Ohara Sammi, and
called the meeting of the Daimios at Yedo in 1862, in which the noted
Shimadzu Saburo was also present.

In 1864 the council of Daimios was again held, and Minister Pruyn,
in his letter to Mr. Seward, bears witness of the proceeding: "It is
understood the great council of Daimios is again in session; that
the question of the foreign policy of the government is again under
consideration, and that the opposite parties are pretty evenly
balanced."[11]

From this time the council of Daimios was held every year, sometimes
many times in the year, till the Revolution of 1868. These examples
will suffice to show the nature and purpose of these councils of Kuges
and Daimios. Let us next consider how these councils originated.

The political development of Japan gives another illustration of one
of the truths which Mr. Herbert Spencer unfolds in his Principles
of Sociology. "Everywhere the wars between societies," says he,
"originate governmental structures, and are causes of all such
improvements in those structures as increase the efficiency of
corporate action against environing societies."[12]

Experience has shown that representative government is the most
efficient in securing the corporate action of the various members of
the body politic against foreign enemies. When a country is threatened
with foreign invasion, when the corporate action of its citizens
against their enemy is needed, it becomes an imperative necessity to
consult public opinion. In such a time centralization is needed. Hence
the first move of Japan after the advent of foreigners was to bring
the scattered parts of the country together and unite them under one
head.

Japan had hitherto no formidable foreign enemy on her shores. So
her governmental system--the regulating system of the social
organism--received no impetus for self-development. But as soon as a
formidable people, either as allies or foes, appeared on the scene in
1853, we immediately see the remarkable change in the state system of
regulation in Japan. It became necessary to consult public opinion.
Councils of Kuges and Daimios and meetings of Samurai sprung forth
spontaneously.

I believe, with Guizot, that the germ of representative government was
not necessarily "in the woods of Germany," as Montesquieu asserts,
or in the Witenagemot of England; that the glory of having a free
government is not necessarily confined to the Aryan family or to its
more favored branch, the Anglo-Saxons. I believe that the seed of
representative government is implanted in the very nature of human
society and of the human mind. When the human mind and the social
organism reach a certain stage of development, when they are placed in
such an environment as to call forth a united and harmonious action
of the body politic, when education is diffused among the masses
and every member of the community attains a certain degree of his
individuality and importance, when the military form of society
transforms itself into the industrial, then the representative idea of
government springs forth naturally and irresistibly. And no tyrant, no
despot, can obstruct the triumphal march of liberty.

Whatever may be said about the soundness of the above speculation, it
is certain that in the great councils of Kuges and Daimios and in the
discussions of the Samurai, which the advent of the foreigners called
into being, lay the germ of the future constitutional parliament of
Japan.


[Footnote 1: Genje Yume Monogatari. Translated by Mr. Ernest Satow,
and published in the columns of the _Japan Mail_.]

[Footnote 2: The original gives names of some prominent officials thus
summoned.]

[Footnote 3: This is also quoted in F.O. Adams's History of Japan,
Vol. I., p. 109. I have compared the passage with the original and
quote here with some modifications in the translation.]

[Footnote 4: Jo-i means to expel the barbarians; Kai-Koku means to
open the country.]

[Footnote 5: Given also in Kai-Koku Simatsu, p. 166; Ansei-Kiji, pp.
219, 220.]

[Footnote 6: Life of Ii Nawosuke Tokyo, 1888.]

[Footnote 7: Dickson's Japan, p. 454.]

[Footnote 8: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1865-66, p. 233, 1st Sess. 39th Cong.]

[Footnote 9: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1864-65, p. 502, 2d Sess. 38th Cong.]

[Footnote 10: See Ansei-Kiji, pages 1, 3, 57, 59, 61, 174, 192, 352;
Bosin-Simatsu, Vol. II., pp. 4, 69; Vol. III., pp. 379, 414; Vol. IV.,
pp. 121, 152.]

[Footnote 11: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Part 3, 1864-65, p. 486, 3d Sess. 38th Cong.]

[Footnote 12: Principles of Sociology, p. 540.]




CHAPTER II.

THE RESTORATION.


In the last chapter we have noticed what a commotion had been caused
in Japan by the sudden advent of Commodore Perry, how the councils of
Kuges and Daimios were called into spontaneous life by the dread
of foreigners and by the sense of national weakness, and how the
bombardments of Kagoshima and Shimonosheki tested these fears and
taught the necessity of national union. I have remarked that free
government is not necessarily the sole heritage of the Aryan race, but
that the presence of foreigners, the change of the military form of
society into the industrial form, the increase in importance of
the individual in the community, are sure to breed a free and
representative system of government.

In the following chapter we shall see the downfall of the Shogunate,
the restoration of the imperial power to its pristine vigor, and the
destruction of feudalism.

"The study of constitutional history is essentially a tracing of
causes and consequences," says Bishop Stubbs, "not the collection of
a multitude of facts and views, but the piecing of links of a perfect
chain."

I shall therefore not dwell upon the details of the events which
led to the downfall of the Shogunate, but immediately enter into an
inquiry concerning the causes.

Three causes led to the final overthrow of the Shogunate:

I. The Revival of Learning. The last half of the eighteenth and
the first half of the present century witnessed in Japan an unusual
intellectual activity. The long peace and prosperity of the country
under the rule of the Tokugawa dynasties had fostered in every way the
growth of literature and art. The Shoguns, from policy or from taste,
either to find a harmless vent for the restless spirit of the
Samura or from pure love of learning, have been constant patrons of
literature. The Daimios, too, as a means of spending their leisure
hours when they were not out hawking or revelling with their
mistresses, gave no inattentive ear to the readings and lectures of
learned men. Each Daimioate took pride in the number and fame of her
own learned sons. Thus throughout the country eminent scholars arose.
With them a new era of literature dawned upon the land. The new
literature changed its tone. Instead of the servility, faint
suggestiveness, and restrained politeness characteristic of the
literature from the Gen-hei period to the first half of the Tokugawa
period, that of the Revival Era began to wear a bolder and freer
aspect. History came to be recorded with more truthfulness and
boldness than ever before.

But as the ancient histories were studied and the old constitution was
brought into light, the real nature of the Shogunate began to reveal
itself. To the eyes of the historians it became clear that the
Shogunate was nothing but a military usurpation, sustained by fraud
and corruption; that the Emperor, who was at that time, in plain
words, imprisoned at the court of Kioto, was the real source of power
and honor. "If this be the case, what ought we do?" was the natural
question of these loyal subjects of the Emperor. The natural
conclusion followed: the military usurper must be overthrown and
the rightful ruler recognized. This was the sum and substance of
the political programme of the Imperialists. The first sound of the
trumpet against the Shogunate rose from the learned hall of the
Prince of Mito, Komon. He, with the assistance of a host of scholars,
finished his great work, the Dai Nihon Shi, or History of Japan, in
1715. It was not printed till 1851, but was copied from hand to hand
by eager students, like the Bible by the medieval monks, or the works
of Plato and Aristotle by the Humanists. The Dai Nihon Shi soon became
a classic, and had such an influence in restoring the power of the
Emperor that Mr. Ernest Satow justly calls its composer "the real
author of the movement which culminated in the revolution of 1868."
The voice of the Prince of Mito was soon caught up by the more
celebrated scholar Rai Sanyo (1780-1833). A poet, an historian, and a
zealous patriot, Rai Sanyo was the Arndt of Japan. He outlined in
his Nihon Guai Shi the rise and fall of the Minister of State and the
Shoguns, and with satire, invective, and the enthusiasm of a patriot,
urged the unlawfulness of the usurpation of the imperial power by
these mayors of the palace. In his Sei-Ki, or political history of
Japan, he traced the history of the imperial family, and mourned with
characteristic pathos the decadence of the imperial power. The labors
of these historians and scholars bore in time abundant fruit. Some of
their disciples became men of will and action: Sakuma Shozan, Yoshida
Toraziro, Gesho, Yokoi Heishiro, and later Saigo, Okubo, Kido, and
hosts of others, who ultimately realized the dreams of their masters.
Out of the literary seed which scholars like Rai Sanyo spread
broadcast over the country thus grew hands of iron and hearts
of steel. This process shows how closely related are history and
politics, and affords another illustration of the significance of
the epigrammatic expression of Professor Freeman: "History is past
politics, and politics present history."

II. Another tributary stream which helped to swell the tide flowing
toward the Emperor was the revival of Shintoism. The revival of
learning is sure to be followed by the revival of religion. This is
shown in the history of the Reformation in Europe, which was preceded
by the revival of learning. Since the expulsion of Christianity from
Japan in the sixteenth century, which was effected more from political
than religious motives, laissez-faire was the steadfast policy of the
Japanese rulers toward religious matters. The founder of the Tokugawa
dynasty had laid down in his "Legacy" the policy to be pursued by his
descendants. "Now any one of the people," says Iyeyasu, "can adhere to
which (religion) he pleases (except the Christian); and there must
be no wrangling among sects to the disturbance of the peace of the
Empire." Thus while the people in the West, who worshipped the
Prince of Peace, in his abused name were cutting each other's throat,
destroying each other's property, torturing and proselyting by rack
and flames, the islanders on the West Pacific coast were enjoying
complete religious toleration. Three religions--Shintoism, Buddhism,
and Confucianism--lived together in peace. In such a state of
unrestricted competition among various religions, the universal law of
the survival of the fittest acts freely. Buddhism was the fittest and
became the predominant religion. Shintoism was the weakest and sank
into helpless desuetude. But with the revival of learning, as Kojiki
and other ancient literature were studied with assiduity, Shintoism
began to revive. Its cause found worthy defenders in Motoori and
Hirata. They are among the greatest Shintoists Japan has ever seen.

Now, according to Shintoism, Japan is a holy land. It was made by the
gods, whose lineal descendant is the Emperor. Hence he must be revered
and worshipped as a god. This is the substance of Shintoism. The
political bearing of such a doctrine upon the then existing status of
the country is apparent. The Emperor, who is a god, the fountain of
all virtue, honor, and authority, is now a prisoner at the court of
Kioto, under the iron hand of the Tokugawa Shoguns. This state
of impiety and irreverence can never be tolerated by the devout
Shintoists. The Shogun must be dethroned and the Emperor raised to
power. Here the line of arguments of the Shintoists meets with that
of the scholars we have noted above. Thus both scholars and Shintoists
have converted themselves into politicians who have at heart the
restoration of the Emperor.

III. Another cause which led to the overthrow of the Shogunate was the
jealousy and cupidity of the Southern Daimios. Notably among them were
the Daimios of Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and Hizen. Their ancestors "had
of old held equal rank and power with Iyeyasu, until the fortunes
of war turned against them. They had been overcome by force, or had
sullenly surrendered in face of overwhelming odds. Their adherence
to the Tokugawas was but nominal, and only the strong pressure of
superior power was able to wring from them a haughty semblance of
obedience. They chafed perpetually under the rule of one who was in
reality a vassal like themselves."[1] They now saw in the rising tide
of public sentiment against the Tokugawa Shogunate a rare opportunity
of accomplishing their cherished aim. They lent their arms and money
for the support of the patriots in carrying out their plan. Satsuma
and Choshiu became the rendezvous of eminent scholars and zealous
patriots. And in the council-halls of Satsuma and Choshiu were hatched
the plots which were soon to overthrow the effete Shogunate.

Thus everything was ready for the revolution of 1868 before Perry
came. We saw the Shogun, under the bombastic title of Tycoon, in spite
of the remonstrance of the Emperor and his court, conclude a treaty
with Perry at Kanagawa in 1854. Here at last was found a pretext for
the Imperialists to raise arms against the Shogun. The Shogun or his
ministers had no right to make treaties with foreigners. Such an act
was, in the eyes of the patriots, heinous treason. The cry of "Destroy
the Shogunate and raise the Emperor to his proper throne!" rang from
one end of the empire to the other. The constant disturbance of the
country, the difficulty of foreign intercourse, the sense of necessity
of a single and undoubted authority over the land, and the outcry
of the Samurai thus raised against the Shogun, finally led to his
resignation on November 19, 1867. His letter of resignation, in the
form of a manifesto to the Daimios, runs thus:

"A retrospect of the various changes through which the empire has
passed shows us that after the decadence of the monarchical authority,
power passed into the hands of the Minister of State; that by the
wars of 1156 to 1159 the governmental power came into the hands of the
military class. My ancestor received greater marks of confidence than
any before him, and his descendants have succeeded him for more than
two hundred years. Though I perform the same duties, the objects of
government and the penal laws have not been attained, and it is
with feelings of greatest humiliation that I find myself obliged to
ackowledge my own want of virtue as the cause of the present state of
things. Moreover, our intercourse with foreign powers becomes daily
more extensive, and our foreign policy cannot be pursued unless
directed by the whole power of the country.

"If, therefore, the old regime be changed and the governmental
authority be restored to the imperial court, if the councils of the
whole empire be collected and the wise decisions received, and if
we unite with all our heart and with all our strength to protect and
maintain the empire, it will be able to range itself with the nations
of the earth. This comprises our whole duty towards our country.

"However, if you (the Daimios) have any particular ideas on the
subject, you may state them without reserve."[2]

The resignation of the Shogun was accepted by the Emperor by the
following imperial order, issued on the 10th day of the 12th month:
"It has pleased the Emperor to dismiss the present Shogun, at his
request, from the office of Shogun."

As to the full intent and motive of the Shogun in resigning his
power, let him further speak himself. In the interview of the British
minister, Sir Harry S. Parkes, and the French minister, M. Leon
Koches, with the Shogun, it is stated that he said: "I became
convinced last autumn that the country would no longer be successfully
governed while the power was divided between the Emperor and myself.
The country had two centres, from which orders of an opposite nature
proceeded. Thus, in the matter of the opening of Hiogo and Osako,
which I quote as an example of this conflict of authority, I was
myself convinced that the stipulations of the treaties must be
observed, but the assent of the Emperor to my representations on
this subject was given reluctantly. I therefore, for the good of my
country, informed the Emperor that I resigned the governing power,
with the understanding that an assembly of Daimios was convened for
the purpose of deciding in what manner, and by whom, the government in
future should be carried on. In acting thus, I sunk my own interests
and power handed down to me by my ancestors, in the more important
interests of the country.[3]....

"My policy, from the commencement, has been to determine this question
of the future form of government in a peaceful manner, and it is in
pursuance of the same object that, instead of opposing force by force,
I have retired from the scene of dispute.....

"As to who is the sovereign of Japan, it is a question on which no
one in Japan can entertain a doubt. The Emperor is the sovereign. My
object from the first has been to take the will of the nation as to
the future government. If the nation should decide that I ought to
resign my powers, I am prepared to resign them for the good of my
country.....

"I have no other motive but the following: With an honest love for
my country and the people, I resigned the governing power which I
inherited from my ancestors, and with the mutual understanding that I
should assemble all the nobles of the empire to discuss the question
disinterestedly, and adopting the opinion of the majority, decide upon
the reformation of the national constitution, I left the matter in the
hands of the imperial court."[4]

Thus was the Shogunate overthrown and the Restoration effected. The
civil war which soon followed need not detain us, for the war itself
had no great consequence as regards the constitutional development of
the country.

Let us now consider the form of the new government. It is essentially
that which prevailed in Japan before the development of feudalism. It
is modelled on the form of government of the Osei era.

The new government was composed of:

1. Sosai ("Supreme Administrator"). He was assisted by Fuku, or
Vice-Sosai. The Sosai resembled the British Premier, was the head of
the chief council of the government.

2. Gijio, or "Supreme Council," whose function was to discuss all
questions and suggest the method of their settlement to the Sosai. It
was composed of ten members, five of whom were selected from the list
of Kuges and five from the great Daimios.

3. Sanyo, or "Associate Council." They were subordinate officers, and
were selected from the Daimios as well as from the retainers.
This council finally came to have great influence, and ultimately
transformed itself into the present cabinet.

The government was divided into eight departments:

1. The Sosai Department. This soon changed into Dai-jo-Kuan.

2. Jingi-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of the Shinto Religion. This
department had charge of the Shinto temples, priests, and festivals.

3. Naikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Home Affairs. This department
had charge of the capital and the five home provinces, of land and
water transport in all the provinces, of post-towns and post-roads,
of barriers and fairs, and of the governors of castles, towns, ports,
etc.

4. Guaikoku-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Foreign Affairs. This
department had charge of foreign relations, treaties, trade, recovery
of lands, and sustenance of the people.

5. Gumbu-Jimu-Kioku, or War Department. This department had charge of
the naval and military forces, drilling, protection of the Emperor,
and military defences in general.

6. Kuaikei-Jimu-Kioku, or Department of Finance. This department had
charge of the registers of houses and population, of tariff and taxes,
money, corn, accounts, tribute, building and repairs, salaries, public
storehouses, and internal trade.

7. Keiho-Jimu-Kioku, or Judicial Department. This department had
charge of the censorate, of inquisitions, arrests, trials, and the
penal laws in general.

8. Seido-Jimu-Kioku, or Legislative Department. This department
had charge of the superintendence of offices, enactments, sumptuary
regulations, appointments, and all other laws and regulations,

"It is easy to destroy, but difficult to construct," is an old adage
of statesmen. The truth of this utterance was soon realized by the
leaders of the new government.

The first thing which the new government had to settle was its
attitude toward foreign nations. The leaders of the government who had
once opposed with such vehemence, as we have seen, the foreign policy
of the Tokugawa Shogun, now that he had been overthrown, urged the
necessity of amicable relations with foreign powers in the following
memorable memorial[5] to the Dai-jo-Kuan (Government):

"The undersigned, servants of the Crown, respectfully believe that
from ancient times decisions upon important questions concerning
the welfare of the empire were arrived at after consideration of the
actual political condition and its necessities, and that thus results
were obtained, not of mere temporary brilliancy, but which bore good
fruits in all time....

"Among other pressing duties of the present moment we venture to
believe it to be pre-eminently important to set the question of
foreign intercourse in a clear light.

"His Majesty's object in creating the office of administrator of
foreign affairs, and selecting persons to fill it, and otherwise
exerting himself in that direction, has been to show the people of
his empire in what light to look on this matter, and we have felt the
greatest pleasure in thinking that the imperial glory would now be
made to shine forth before all nations. An ancient proverb says that
'Men's minds resemble each other as little as their faces,' nor have
the upper and lower classes been able, up to the present, to hold with
confidence a uniform opinion. It gives us some anxiety to feel that
perhaps we may be following the bad example of the Chinese, who,
fancying themselves alone great and worthy of respect, and despising
foreigners as little better than beasts, have come to suffer defeats
at their hands and to have it lorded over themselves by those
foreigners.

"It appears to us, therefore, after mature reflection, that the
most important duty we have at present is for high and low to unite
harmoniously in understanding the condition of the age, in effecting
a national reformation and commencing a great work, and that for this
reason it is of the greatest necessity that we determine upon the
attitude to be observed towards this question.

"Hitherto the empire has held itself aloof from other countries and is
ignorant of the affairs of the world; the only object sought has been
to give ourselves the least trouble, and by daily retrogression we are
in danger of falling under foreign rule.

"By travelling to foreign countries and observing what good there
is in them, by comparing their daily progress, the universality of
enlightened government, of a sufficiency of military defences, and of
abundant food for the people among them, with our present condition,
the causes of prosperity and degeneracy may be plainly traced....

"Of late years the question of expelling the barbarians has been
constantly agitated, and one or two Daimios have tried to expel them,
but it is unnecessary to prove that this was more than the strength of
a single clan could accomplish....

"How ever, in order to restore the fallen fortunes of the empire and
to make the imperial dignity respected abroad, it is necessary to make
a firm resolution, and to get rid of the narrow-minded ideas which
have prevailed hitherto. We pray that the important personages of
the court will open their eyes and unite with those below them in
establishing relations of amity in a single-minded manner, and that
our deficiencies being supplied with what foreigners are superior
in, an enduring government be established for future ages. Assist
the Emperor in forming his decision wisely and in understanding the
condition of the empire; let the foolish argument which has hitherto
styled foreigners dogs and goats and barbarians be abandoned; let the
court ceremonies, hitherto imitated from the Chinese, be reformed,
and the foreign representatives be bidden to court in the manner
prescribed by the rules current amongst all nations; and let this be
publicly notified throughout the country, so that the countless people
may be taught what is the light in which they are to regard this
subject. This is our most earnest prayer, presented with all reverence
and humility.

  "ECHIZEN SAISHO,
  TOSA SAKIO NO SHOSHO,
  NAGATO SHOSHO,
  SATSUMA SHOSHO,
  AKI SHOSHO,
  HOSO KAWA UKIO DAIBU."

The advice of these notables was well received. A formal invitation to
an audience with the Emperor was extended to the foreign ambassadors.
They soon accepted the invitation. Their appearance in the old
anti-foreign city of Kioto, before the personage who was considered
by the masses as divine, was significant. It put an end to the
all-absorbing, all-perplexing theme of the day. The question of
foreign policy was settled.

The next act of the statesmen of the Restoration was to sweep away
the abuses of the court, and to establish the basis of a firm internal
administration. The most effectual means of accomplishing this, it
seemed to the sagacious statesmen, was to move the court from the
place where those abuses had their roots. Ichizo Okubo,[6] a guiding
spirit of the Restoration, presented the following memorial to the
Emperor:

"The most pressing of your Majesty's pressing duties at the present
moment is not to look at the empire alone and judge carelessly by
appearances, but to consider carefully the actual state of the whole
world; to reform the inveterate and slothful habits induced during
several hundred years, and to give union to the nation....

"Hitherto the person whom we designate the sovereign has lived behind
a screen, and, as if he were different from other human beings, has
not been seen by more than a very limited number of Kuge; and as
his heaven-conferred office of father to his people has been thereby
unfulfilled, it is necessary that his office should be ascertained
in accordance with this fundamental principle, and then the laws
governing internal affairs may be established....

"In the present period of reformation and restoration of the
government to its ancient monarchical form, the way to carry out
the resolution of imitating the example of Japanese sages, and of
surpassing the excellent governments of foreign nations, is to change
the site of the capital....

"Osako is the fittest place for the capital ... For the conduct of
foreign relations, for enriching the country and strengthening its
military power, for adopting successful means of offense and defense,
for establishing an army and navy, the place is peculiarly fitted by
its position ... I most humbly pray your Majesty to open your eyes and
make this reform....

"OKUBO ICHIZO."[7]

The result of the memorial was the ultimate removal of the seat of
government from Kioto to Yedo, which afterwards changed its name to
Tokio, meaning eastern capital.

But the most important event of the Restoration, from the
constitutional point of view, was the charter oath of five articles,
taken by the present Emperor on the 17th of April, 1869, before the
court and the assembly of Daimios. These articles were in substance as
follows:

1. A deliberative assembly should be formed, and all measures be
decided by public opinion.

2. The principles of social and political economics should be
diligently studied by both the superior and inferior classes of our
people.

3. Every one in the community shall be assisted to persevere in
carrying out his will for all good purposes.

4. All the old absurd usages of former times should be disregarded,
and the impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature
be adopted as a basis of action.

5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all quarters of the
world for the purpose of firmly establishing the foundations of the
empire.

The Emperor's promise henceforth became the watchword of the nation.

And this resolution to form a deliberative assembly was soon put into
practice. In 1869 was convened the Kogisho or "Parliament," as Sir
Harry Parkes translates it in his despatch to the Earl of Clarendon.
But before we proceed to the description of the nature and working of
the Kogisho it is necessary to state that this plan had been already
suggested by the Shogunate. A proclamation of the Shogun Keiki,
issued on February 20, 1868, says: "As it is proper to determine the
principle of the constitution of Japan with due regard to the wishes
of the majority, I have resigned the supreme power to the Emperor's
court, and advised that the opinions of all the Daimios should be
taken.... On examination of my household affairs (the administration
of Shogun's territories), many irregularities may exist which may
dissatisfy the people, and which I therefore greatly deplore. Hence
I intend to establish a Kogijio and to accept the opinion of the
majority. Any one, therefore, who has an opinion to express may do so
at that place and be free of apprehension."[8]

But this attempt of the Shogun to establish a sort of Parliament came
to an end with his fall. This idea, however, was transmitted through
the Shogunate officials to the government of the Restoration. In fact,
this idea of consulting public opinion was, as I have repeatedly said,
in the air. The leaders of the new government all felt, as one of them
said to Messrs. F.O. Adams and Ernest Satow, that "the only way to
allay the jealousies hitherto existing between several of the most
powerful clans, and to ensure a solid and lasting union of conflicting
interests, was to search for the nearest approach to an ideal
constitution among those of Western countries ... that the opinion of
the majority was the only criterion of a public measure."[9]

Sir Harry Parkes was right when he told the Earl of Clarendon that
"the establishment of such an institution (the Kogisho) formed one of
the first objects of the promoters of the recent revolution."[10]

The Kogisho was opened on the 18th of April, 1869,[11] and the
following message[12] from the throne was then delivered:

"Being on the point of visiting our eastern capital, we have convened
the nobles of our court and the various princes in order to consult
them upon the means of establishing the foundations of peaceful
government. The laws and institutions are the basis of government.
The petitions of the people at large cannot be lightly decided. It has
been reported to us that brief rules and regulations have been fixed
upon for the Parliament, and it seems good to us that the House should
be opened at once. We exhort you to respect the laws of the House,
to lay aside all private and selfish considerations, to conduct your
debates with minuteness and firmness; above all things, to take the
laws of our ancestors as 'basis,' and adapt yourselves to the feelings
of men and to the spirit of the times. Distinguish clearly between
those matters which are of immediate importance and those which may
be delayed; between things which are less urgent and those which are
pressing. In your several capacities argue with careful attention.
When the results of your debate are communicated to us it shall be our
duty to confirm them."

The Kogisho was composed mostly of the retainers of the Daimios, for
the latter, having no experience of the earnest business of life,
"were not eager to devote themselves to the labors of an onerous and
voluntary office." Akidzuki Ukio No Suke was appointed President of
the Kogisho.

The object of the Kogisho was to enable the government to sound public
opinion on the various topics of the day, and to obtain the assistance
of the country in the work of legislation by ascertaining whether the
projects of the government were likely to be favorably received.

The Kogisho, like the Councils of Kuges and Daimios, was nothing but
an experiment, a mere germ of a deliberative assembly, which only time
and experience could bring to maturity. Still Kogisho was an advance
over the council of Daimios. It had passed the stage resembling a
mere deliberative meeting or quiet Quaker conference, where, for hours
perhaps, nobody opens his mouth. It now bore an aspect of a political
club meeting. But it was a quiet, peaceful, obedient debating society.
It has left the record of its abortive undertakings in the "Kogisho
Nishi" or journal of "Parliament." The Kogisho was dissolved in
the year of its birth. And the indifference of the public about its
dissolution proves how small an influence it really had.

But a greater event than the dissolution of the Kogisho was pending
before the public gaze. This was the abolition of feudalism, which we
shall consider in the next chapter.


[Footnote 1: The Mikado's Empire. Griffis, p. 301.]

[Footnote 2: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
1867, Part II., p. 78, 2d Sess. 40th Cong. See also Bosin-Simatsu,
Vol. I., p. 2.]

[Footnote 3: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, p. 620, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]

[Footnote 4: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]

[Footnote 5: Translation from the Kioto Government Gazette of March,
1868. It is given in Diplomatic Correspondence of the U.S.A., 3d Sess.
40th Cong., Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 725.]

[Footnote 6: He afterwards changed his name into Toshimitsu Okubo.]

[Footnote 7: Translation is given in American Executive Document,
Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. I, 1868-69, p. 728, 3d Sess. 40th
Cong.]

[Footnote 8: American Executive Document, Diplomatic Correspondence,
Vol. I., 1868-69, p. 687, 3d Sess. 40th Cong.]

[Footnote 9: F.O. Adams' History of Japan, Vol. II., p. 128.]

[Footnote 10: English State Papers, Vol. LXX., 1870, p. 9.]

[Footnote 11: 29th of the 2d month in the second year of Meiji,
according to the old calendar.]

[Footnote 12: Translation is given in English State Papers, Vol. LXX.,
1871, p. 12.]




CHAPTER III.

THE ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM.


The measure to abolish feudalism was much discussed in the Kogisho
before its dissolution. Prince Akidzuki, President of the Kogisho, had
sent in the following memorial:

"After the government had been returned by the Tokugawa family
into the hands of the Emperor, the calamity of war ensued, and the
excellence of the newly established administration has not yet been
able to perfect itself; if this continues, I am grieved to think how
the people will give up their allegiance. Happily, the eastern and
northern provinces have already been pacified and the country at large
has at last recovered from its troubles. The government of the Emperor
is taking new steps every day; this is truly a noble thing for the
country. And yet when I reflect, I see that although there are many
who profess loyalty, none have yet shown proof of it. The various
princes have used their lands and their people for their own purposes;
different laws have obtained in different places; the civil and
criminal codes have been various in the various provinces. The clans
have been called the screen of the country, but in truth they have
caused its division. The internal relations having been confused, the
strength of the country has been disunited and severed. How can our
small country of Japan enter into fellowship with the countries beyond
the sea? How can she hold up an example of a flourishing country? Let
those who wish to show their faith and loyalty act in the following
manner, that they may firmly establish the foundations of the Imperial
Government:

"1. Let them restore the territories which they have received from the
Emperor and return to a constitutional and undivided nation.

"2. Let them abandon their titles, and under the name of Kuazoku
(persons of honor) receive such small properties as may suffice for
their wants.

"3. Let the officers of the clans abandoning that title call themselves
officers of the Emperor, receiving property equal to that which they
have hitherto held.

"Let these three important measures be adopted forthwith, that the
empire may be raised on a basis imperishable for ages ... 2nd year of
Meiji (1869).

  (Signed) "AKIDZUKI UKIO NO SUKE."[1]

But politics is not an easy game--a game which a pedant or a
sentimental scholar or an orator can leisurely play. It has to deal
with passions, ambitions, and selfish interests of men, as well as
with the moral and intellectual consciousness of the people. Tongue
and pen wield, undoubtedly, a great influence in shaping the thought
of the nation and impressing them with the importance of any political
measure. But the tongue is as sounding brass and the pen as useless
steel unless they are backed by force and money. Even in such a
country as England, where tongue and pen seem to reign supreme, a
prime minister before he forms his cabinet has to be closeted for
hours with Mr. Rothschild. Fortunately this important measure of
abolishing feudalism, which a few patriots had secretly plotted and
which the scholars had noised abroad, was taken up first by the most
powerful and wealthy Daimios of the country.

In the following noted memorial, after reviewing the political history
of Japan during the past few hundred years, these Daimios said: "Now
the great Government has been newly restored and the Emperor himself
undertakes the direction of affairs. This is, indeed, a rare and
mighty event. We have the name (of an Imperial Government), we must
also have the fact. Our first duty is to illustrate our faithfulness
and to prove our loyalty. When the line of Tokugawa arose it divided
the country amongst its kinsfolk, and there were many who founded the
fortunes of their families upon it. They waited not to ask whether
the lands and men that they received were the gift of the Emperor; for
ages they continued to inherit these lands until this day. Others said
that their possessions were the prize of their spears and bows, as if
they had entered storehouses and stolen the treasure therein, boasting
to the soldiers by whom they were surrounded that they had done this
regardless of their lives. Those who enter storehouses are known by
all men to be thieves, but those who rob lands and steal men are not
looked upon with suspicion. How are loyalty and faith confused and
destroyed!

"The place where we live is the Emperor's land and the food which we
eat is grown by the Emperor's men. How can we make it our own? We
now reverently offer up the list of our possessions and men, with the
prayer that the Emperor will take good measures for rewarding those
to whom reward is due and for taking from those to whom punishment is
due. Let the imperial orders be issued for altering and remodelling
the territories of the various clans. Let the civil and penal codes,
the military laws down to the rules for uniform and the construction
of engines of war, all proceed from the Emperor; let all the affairs
of the empire, great and small, be referred to him."

This memorial was signed by the Daimios of Kago, Hizen, Satsuma,
Choshiu, Tosa, and some other Daimios of the west. But the real
author of the memorial is believed to have been Kido, the brain of the
Restoration.

Thus were the fiefs of the most powerful and most wealthy Daimios
voluntarily offered to the Emperor. The other Daimios soon followed
the example of their colleagues. And the feudalism which had existed
in Japan for over eight centuries was abolished by the following
laconic imperial decree of August, 1871:

"The clans are abolished, and prefectures are established in their
places."

This rather off-hand way of destroying an institution, whose overthrow
in Europe required the combined efforts of ambitious kings and
emperors, of free cities, of zealous religious sects, and cost
centuries of bloodshed, has been made a matter of much comment in the
West. One writer exclaims, "History does not record another instance
where changes of such magnitude ever occurred within so short a time,
and it is astonishing that it only required eleven words to destroy
the ambition and power of a proud nobility that had with imperious
will directed the destiny of Japan for more than five hundred
years."[2]

But when we examine closely the circumstances which led to the
overthrow of feudalism and the influences which acted upon it, we
cannot but regard it as the natural terminus of the political flood
which was sweeping over the country. When such a revolution of thought
as that expressed in the proclamation of 1868 had taken place in the
minds of the leaders of society, when contact with foreigners had
fostered the necessity of national union, when the spirit of loyalty
of the Samurai had changed to loyalty to his Emperor, when his
patriotic devotion to his province had changed to patriotic devotion
to his country, then it became apparent that the petty social
organization, which was antagonistic to these national principles,
would soon be crushed.

If there is any form of society which is diametrically opposed to the
spirit of national union, of liberal thought, of free intercourse, it
is feudal society. A monarchical or a democratic society encourages
the spirit of union, but feudal society must, from its very nature,
smother it. Seclusion is the parent of feudalism. In our enlightened
and progressive century seclusion is no longer possible. Steam and
electricity alone would have been sufficient to destroy our Japanese
feudalism. But long before its fall our Japanese feudalism "was an
empty shell." Its leaders, the Daimios of provinces, were, with a few
exceptions, men of no commanding importance. "The real power in each
clan lay in the hands of able men of inferior rank, who ruled their
masters." From these men came the present advisers of the Emperor.
Their chief object at that time was the thorough unification of Japan.
Why, then, should they longer trouble themselves to uphold feudalism,
this mother of sectionalism, this colossal sham?


[Footnote 1: Translation given in the English State Papers.]

[Footnote 2: Consular Report of the U.S.A., No. 75, p. 626.]




CHAPTER IV.

INFLUENCES THAT SHAPED THE GROWTH OF THE REPRESENTATIVE IDEA OF
GOVERNMENT.


We have seen in the last two chapters how the Shogunate and feudalism
fell, and how the Meiji government was inaugurated. We have also
observed in the memorials of leading statesmen abundant proof of
their willingness and zeal to introduce a representative system of
government. We have also seen the Kogisho convened and dissolved.

John Stuart Mill has pointed out, in his Representative Government,
several social conditions when representative government is
inapplicable or unsuitable:

1. When the people are not willing to receive it.

2. When the people are not willing and able to do what is necessary
for its preservation.

"Representative institutions necessarily depend for permanence upon
the readiness of the people to fight for them in case of their being
endangered."

3. When the people are not willing and able to fulfil the duties and
discharge the functions which it imposes on them.

4. When the people have not learned the first lesson of obedience.

5. When the people are too passive; when they are ready to submit to
tyranny.

Now when we look at the Japan of 1871, even her greatest admirers must
admit that she was far from being able to fulfil the social conditions
necessary for the success of representative government. Japan was
obedient, but too submissive. She had not yet learned the first
lesson of freedom, that is, when and how to resist, in the faith that
resistance to tyrants is obedience to truth; that the irrepressible
kicker against tyranny, as Dr. Wilson observes, is the only true
freeman. In her conservative, almost abject submission, Japan was
yet unfit for free government. The Japanese people were willing to
do almost anything suggested by their Emperor, but they had first to
learn what was meant by representative government, "to understand
its processes and requirements." The Japanese had to discard many old
habits and prejudices, reform many defects of national character, and
undergo many stages of moral and mental discipline before they could
acclimatize themselves to the free atmosphere of representative
institutions. This preparation required a period of little over two
decades, and was effected not only through political discipline, but
by corresponding development in the moral, intellectual, social, and
industrial life of the nation.

I remarked in the beginning that the political activity of a nation is
not isolated from other spheres of its activities, but that there is a
mutual interchange of action and reaction among the different factors
of social life, so that to trace the political life of a nation it is
not only necessary to describe the organ through which it acts, the
governmental machinery, and the methods by which it is worked, but
to know "the forces which move it and direct its course." Now these
forces are political as well as non-political. This truth is now
generally acknowledged by constitutional writers. Thus, the English
author of "The American Commonwealth" devotes over one-third of his
second volume to the account of non-political institutions, and says
"there are certain non-political institutions, certain aspects of
society, certain intellectual or spiritual forces which count for
so much in the total life of the country, in the total impression it
makes and the hopes for the future which it raises, that they cannot
be left unnoticed."[1]

If this be the case in the study of the American commonwealth, it is
more so in that of Japanese politics. For nowhere else in the history
of nations do we see "non-political institutions" exerting such a
powerful influence upon the body politic as in New Japan. In this
chapter we shall therefore note briefly the growth of so-called
"non-political institutions" during a period of about a decade and
a half, between 1868 and 1881, and mark their influence upon the
development of representative ideas.


I.--MEANS OF COMMUNICATION.

1. Telegraph. At the time of the Restoration there was no telegraph
in operation, and "for expresses the only available means were men and
horses." In 1868 the government began to construct telegraphs, and
the report of the Bureau of Statistics in 1881 shows the following
increase in each successive year:

           Telegraph          Number
  Year.    Offices. Miles.    of Telegrams.
                    Ri Cho.
  1869-1871  8         26.04    19,448
  1872      29         33.11    80,639
  1873      40      1,099.00   186,448
  1874      57      1,333.20   356,539
  1875      94      1,904.32   611,866
  1876     100      2,214.07   680,939
  1877     122      2,827.08 1,045,442
  1878     147      3,380.05 1,272,756
  1879     195      3,842.31 1,935,320
  1880     195      4,484.30 2,168,201

All the more important towns in the country were thus made able to
communicate with one another as early as 1880.

In 1879 Japan joined the International Telegraph Convention, and since
then she can communicate easily with the great powers of the world
through the great submarine cable system. "Compared with the state of
ten years ago, when the ignorant people cut down the telegraph poles
and severed the wires," exclaims Count Okuma, "we seem rather to have
made a century's advance."

2. Postal System. "Previous to the Restoration," to quote further
from Count Okuma, "with the exception of the posts sent by the Daimios
from their residences at the capital to their territories, there
was no regularly established post for the general public and private
convenience. Letters had to be sent by any opportunity that occurred,
and a single letter cost over 25 sen for a distance of 150 ri. But
since the Restoration the government for the first time established
a general postal service, and in 1879 the length of postal lines was
15,700 ri (nearly 40,000 English miles), and a letter can at any time
be sent for two sen to any part of the country. In 1874 we entered
the International Postal Convention, and have thus obtained great
facilities for communicating with foreign countries."[2]

3. Railroad. The first railway Japan ever saw was the model railway
constructed by Commodore Perry to excite the curiosity of the people.
But it was not until 1870 that the railroad was really introduced into
Japan. The first rail was laid on the road between Tokio and Yokohama.
This road was opened in 1872. It is 18 miles long. The second line was
constructed in 1876, and runs between Hiogo and Kioto via Osako. And
the year 1880 saw the opening of the railroad between Kioto and Otsu.
This line between Hiogo and Otsu is 58 miles long. So at the end of
the period which we are surveying Japan had a railway system of 31 ri
and 5 cho (about 78 English miles).

This was nothing but a child-play compared with the railroad activity
which the later years brought forth, for now we have a railway system
extending over one thousand two hundred miles. But this concerns the
later period, so we shall not dwell upon it at present.

4. Steamers and the coasting trade. In 1871 the number of ships
of foreign build was only 74, but by 1878 they had reached 377. The
number of vessels of native build in 1876 was 450,000, and in 1878 had
reached 460,000.[3]

"Since the Restoration the use of steamers has daily increased,
and the inland sea, the lakes and large rivers are now constantly
navigated by small steamers employed in the carrying trade."

With the increased facility of communication, commerce and trade
were stimulated. In 1869 the total amount of imports and exports was
33,680,000 yen, and in 1879 64,120,000 yen. Imports had grown from
20,780,000 yen to 36,290,000 yen, and exports from 12,909,000 yen to
27,830,000 yen; in the one case showing an advance from 2 to 3-1/2, in
the other from 2 to 5.[4]


II.--EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS.

Previous to the Restoration, the schools supported by Daimios and
the private schools were few in number; but since that epoch the
educational system has been vastly improved, with a resulting increase
in the number of schools and pupils. In 1878, of high, middle, and
primary schools there were altogether 27,600, with 68,000 teachers and
2,319,000 pupils.[5] The following table shows the comparative history
of educational institutions within three years, 1878-1880 (inclusive):

                          Teachers.                Pupils.
  Year. Institutions.   Male.   Female.        Male.    Female.
  1878    27,672       66,309     2,374    1,715,425    610,214
  1879    29,362       71,757     2,803    1,771,641    608,205
  1880    30,799       74,747     2,923    1,844,564    605,781

Furthermore, hundreds of students went abroad yearly, and returning,
powerfully influenced the destiny of their country.


III.--NEWSPAPERS.

It was in 1869 that the Emperor sanctioned the publication of
newspapers. Magazines, journals, periodicals and newspapers sprung up
in a night. The number of newspapers published in 1882 was about 113,
and of miscellaneous publications about 133. It is to be noted that
the newspapers defied the old censorship of prohibition under very
sanguinary pains and penalties. Their circulation increased every
year. The total newspaper circulation in 1874 was but 8,470,269,
while in 1877 it was 33,449,529. In his consular report of 1882,
Consul-General Van Buren makes an approximate estimate of the annual
aggregate circulation of a dozen noted papers of Tokio to be not less
than 29,000,000 copies.[6]

The publication of books and translations kept pace with the growth
of newspapers. Observing the effects of these literary activities, Mr.
Griffis well says: "It is the writer's firm belief, after nearly four
years of life in Japan, mingling among the progressive men of the
empire, that the reading and study of books printed in the Japanese
language have done more to transform the Japanese mind and to develop
an impulse in the direction of modern civilization than any other
cause or series of causes."

Meanwhile, great changes were affecting law and religion. Here it
is sufficient to observe that the old law which had been hitherto
altogether arbitrary--either the will of the Emperor or of the
Shogun--was revised on the model of the Napoleonic code and soon
published throughout the land. The use of torture to obtain testimony
was wholly and forever abolished.

With the incoming of Western science and Christianity, old faiths
began to lose their hold upon the people. The new religion spread
yearly. Missionary schools were instituted in several parts of the
country. Christian churches were built in almost all of the large
cities and towns, and their number increased constantly. Missionaries
and Christian schools had no inconsiderable influence in changing the
ideas of the people.

Such, in brief, have been the changes in the industrial, social and
religious condition of Japan from 1868 to 1881. After this study we
shall not much wonder at the remarkable political change of Japan
during the same period, which I shall endeavor to describe in the next
chapter.


[Footnote 1: The American Commonwealth, Bryce, Vol. I., p. 7.]

[Footnote 2: A Survey of Financial Policy during Thirteen Years
(1868-1880), by Count Okuma.]

[Footnotes 3, 4, 5: Count Okuma's pamphlet.]

[Footnote 6: Consular Report of the U.S., No. 25, p. 182.]




CHAPTER V.

PROGRESS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT FROM THE ABOLITION OF
FEUDALISM TO THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881.


The leaders of the Restoration were of an entirely different type from
the court nobles of former days. They were, with a few exceptions,
men of humble origin. They had raised themselves from obscurity to the
highest places of the state by sheer force of native ability. They had
studied much and travelled far. Their experiences were diverse; they
had seen almost every phase of society. If they were now drinking the
cup of glory, most of them had also tasted the bitterness of exile,
imprisonment, and fear of death. Patriotic, sagacious, and daring,
they combined the rare qualities of magnanimity and urbanity. If
they looked with indifference upon private morality, they were keenly
sensitive to the feeling of honor and to public morals. If they made
mistakes and did not escape the charge of inconsistency in their
policy, these venial faults were, for the most part, due to the
rapidly changing conditions of the country. No other set of statesmen
of Japan or of any other country, ancient or modern, have witnessed
within their lifetime so many social and political transformations.
They saw the days when feudalism flourished--the grandeur of its
rulers, its antique chivalry, its stately etiquette, its ceremonial
costumes, its codes of honor, its rigid social order, formal
politeness, and measured courtesies. They also saw the days when
all these were swept away and replaced by the simplicity and stir of
modern life. They accordingly "have had to cast away every tradition,
every habit, and every principle and mode of action with which even
the youngest of them had to begin official life."

The ranks of this noble body of statesmen and reformers are now
gradually diminishing. Saigo and Gesho are no more. Kido and Iwakura
have been borne to their graves. Okubo and Mori have fallen under the
sword of fanatics. But, thanks be to God, many of them yet remain and
bear the burdens of the day.

I have mentioned in Chapter III. the overthrow of feudalism and
its causes. Its immediate effect on the nation, in unifying their
thoughts, customs, and habits, was most remarkable. From this time
we see the marked growth of common sentiment, common manners, common
interest among the people, together with a love of peace and order.

While the government at home was thus tearing down the old framework
of state, the Iwakura Embassy in foreign lands was gathering materials
for the new. This was significant, inasmuch as five of the best
statesmen of the time, with their staff of forty-four able men, came
into association for over a year with western peoples, and beheld in
operation their social, political and religious institutions. These
men became fully convinced that "the wealth, the power, and the
happiness of a people," as President Grant told them, "are advanced
by the encouragement of trade and commercial intercourse with other
powers, by the elevation and dignity of labor, by the practical
adaptation of science to the manufactures and the arts, by increased
facilities of frequent and rapid communication between different parts
of the country, by the encouragement of immigration, which brings with
it the varied habits and diverse genius and industry of other lands,
by a free press, by freedom of thought and of conscience, and a
liberal toleration in matters of religion."[1]

The impressions and opinions of these men on the importance of a free
and liberal policy can be gleaned from the speeches they made during
the western tour, and some of their writings and utterances on other
occasions.

The chief ambassador, Iwakura, in reply to a toast made to him in
England, said: "Having now become more intimately acquainted with her
(England's) many institutions, we have discovered that their success
is due to the _liberal_ and energetic spirit by which they are
animated."[2]

Count Ito, the present President of the Privy Council, in his speech
at San Francisco, said: "While held in absolute obedience by despotic
sovereigns through many thousand years, our people knew no freedom
or liberty of thought. With our material improvement they learned to
understand their rightful privileges, which for ages have been denied
them."[3]

Count Inouye, the ex-Minister of State for Agriculture and Commerce,
in his memorial to the government in 1873, said: "The people of
European and American countries are for the most part rich in
intelligence and knowledge, and they preserve the spirit of
independence. And owing to the nature of their polity they share in
the counsels of their government. Government and people thus mutually
aid and support each other, as hand and foot protect the head and eye.
The merits of each question that arises are distinctly comprehended
by the nation at home, and the government is merely its outward
representative. But our people are different. Accustomed for ages to
despotic rule, they have remained content with their prejudices and
ignorance. Their knowledge and intelligence are undeveloped and their
spirit is feeble. In every movement of their being they submit to the
will of the government, and have not the shadow of an idea of what 'a
right' is. If the government makes an order, the whole country obeys
it as one man. If the government takes a certain view, the whole
nation adopts it unanimously.... The people must be recalled to life,
and the Empire be made to comprehend with clearness that the objects
which the government has in view are widely different from those of
former times."[4]

If the passages quoted illustrate statesmen's zeal to introduce
western civilization, and to educate the people gradually to political
freedom and privileges, their actions speak more eloquently than their
words. In order to crush that social evil, the class system, which
for ages had been a curse, the government declared all classes of men
equal before the law, delivered the _eta_--the class of outcasts--from
its position of contempt, abolished the marriage limitations existing
between different classes of society, prohibited the wearing of
swords, which was the peculiar privilege of the nobles and the
Samurai; while to facilitate means of communication and to open the
eyes of the people to the wonders of mechanical art, they incessantly
applied themselves to the construction of railroads, docks,
lighthouses, mining, iron, and copper factories, and to the
establishment of telegraphic and postal systems. They also codified
the laws, abolished the use of torture in obtaining testimony,
revoked the edict against Christianity, sanctioned the publication of
newspapers, established by the decree of 1875 the "Genro-in (a kind
of Senate) to enact laws for the Empire, and the Daishin-in to
consolidate the judicial authority of the courts,"[5] and called an
assembly of the prefects, which, however, held but one session in
Tokio.

While the current of thought among the official circles was thus
flowing, there was also a stream, in the lower region of the social
life, soon to swell into a mighty river. Social inequality, that
barrier which prevents the flow of popular feeling, being already
levelled, merchants, agriculturists, tradesmen, artisans and laborers
were now set at liberty to assert their rights and to use their
talents. They were no longer debarred from places of high honor.

The great colleges and schools, both public and private, which were
hitherto established and carried on exclusively for the benefit of the
nobles and the Samurai, were now open to all. And in this democracy
of letters, where there is no rank or honor but that of talent and
industry, a sentiment was fast growing that the son of a Daimio is not
necessarily wiser than the son of a peasant.

Teachers of these institutions were not slow to infuse the spirit of
independence and liberty into their pupils and to instruct the people
in their natural and political rights. Mr. Fukuzawa, a schoolmaster,
an author, and a lecturer, the man who exercised an immense influence
in shaping the mind of young Japan, gave a deathblow to the old ideas
of despotic government, and of the blind obedience of the people, when
he declared that _government exists for the people and not the people
for the government_, that the government officials are the servants of
the people, and the people their employer. He also struck a heavy blow
at the arrogance and extreme love of military glory of the Samurai
class, with whom to die for the cause of his sovereign, whatever that
cause might be, was the highest act of patriotism, by advocating that
"Death is a democrat, and that the Samurai who died fighting for his
country, and the servant who was slain while caught stealing from his
master, were alike dead and useless."

In a letter to one of his disciples, Mr. Fukuzawa said: "The liberty
of which I have spoken is of such great importance that everything
should be done to secure its blessings in the family and in the
nation, without any respect to persons. When every individual, every
family and every province shall obtain this liberty, then, and not
till then, can we expect to witness the true independence of the
nation; then the military, the farming, the mechanical, and mercantile
classes will not live in hostility to each other; then peace will
reign throughout the land, and all men will be respected according to
their conduct and real character."[6]

The extent of the influence exercised with pen and tongue by these
teachers upon the nation showed that the reign of sword and brutal
force was over and the day of peace and reason had dawned. The
press has at last become a power. The increase during that period of
publications, both original and translations, and of newspapers,
both in their number and circulation, is marvellous. To give an
illustration, the number of newspapers transmitted in the mails
increased from 514,610 in the year 1873 to 2,629,648 in the year
1874--an increase of 411 per cent in one year--"a fact which speaks
volumes for the progress of civilization."[7]

These newspapers were soon to become the organs of political parties
which were in the process of formation. The most prominent among these
political societies was the _Ri-shi-sha_, which finally developed
into the present Liberal party. At the head of this party was Count
Itagaki, a man of noble character and of marked ability, who had
rendered many useful services to the country in the time of the
Restoration and had for some years been a member of the cabinet, but
who in 1875 resigned his office and became "the man of the people." He
and his party contributed greatly to the development of constitutional
ideas. Whatever may be said as to the extreme radicalism and childish
freaks of the rude elements of this party, the presence of its sober
members, who sincerely longed to see the adoption of a constitutional
form of government and used only proper and peaceful means for the
furtherance of their aim, and boldly and frankly told what they deemed
the defects of the government; the presence of such a party in the
country, whose masses knew nothing but slavish obedience to every
act of the government, was certainly a source of great benefit to the
nation at large.

In 1873, Count Itagaki with his friends had sent in a memorial to the
government praying for the establishment of a representative assembly,
but they had not been heeded by the government. In July, 1877, Count
Itagaki with his Ri-shi-sha again addressed a memorial to the Emperor,
"praying for a change in the form of government, and setting forth the
reasons which, in the opinion of the members of the society, rendered
such a change necessary."

These reasons were nine in number and were developed at great length.
Eight of them formed a direct impeachment of the present government,
and the ninth was a reminder that the solemn promise of 1868 had never
been fulfilled. "Nothing," they conclude, "could more tend to the
well-being of the country than for your Majesty to put an end to all
despotic and oppressive measures, and to consult public opinion in
the conduct of the government. To this end a representative
assembly should be established, so that the government may become
constitutional in form. The people would then become more interested
and zealous in looking after the affairs of the country; public
opinion would find expression, and despotism and confusion cease. The
nation would advance in civilization; wealth would accumulate in the
country; troubles from within and contempt from without would cease,
and the happiness of your Imperial Majesty and of your Majesty's
subjects would be secured."

But again the government heeded not, its attention at the time being
fully occupied with the suppression of the Satsuma Rebellion. The
civil war being ended, in 1878, the year which marked a decade from
the establishment of the new regime, the government, persuaded that
the time for popular institutions was fast approaching, not alone
through representations of the Tosa memorialists, but through many
other signs of the times, decided to take a step in the direction of
establishing a national assembly. But the government acted cautiously.
Thinking that to bring together hundreds of members unaccustomed to
parliamentary debate and its excitement, and to allow them a hand in
the administration of affairs of the state, might be attended with
serious dangers, as a preparation for the national assembly the
government established first local assemblies. Certainly this was a
wise course.

These local assemblies have not only been good training schools for
popular government, but also proved reasonably successful. They hold
their sessions every year, in the month of March, in their respective
electoral districts, and there discuss all questions of local
taxation. They may also petition the central government on other
matters of local interest. The members must be males of the full age
of twenty-five years, who have been resident for three years in the
district and pay the sum of $10 as a land tax within their district.
The qualifications for electors (males only) are: an age of twenty
years, registration, and payment of a land tax of $5. Voting is by
ballot, but the names of the voters are to be written by themselves on
the voting papers. There are now 2172 members who sit in these local
assemblies, and it was from the more experienced members of
these assemblies that the majority of the members of the House of
Representatives of the Imperial Diet, convened for the first time last
year, were chosen.

The gulf between absolute government and popular government was thus
widened more and more by the institution of local government. The
popular tide raised by these local assemblies was swelling in volume
year by year. New waves were set in motion by the younger generation
of thinkers. Toward the close of the year 1881 the flood rose so high
that the government thought it wise not to resist longer. His Imperial
Majesty hearing the petitions of the people, graciously confirmed and
expanded his promise of 1868 by the famous proclamation of October 12,
1881:

"We have long had it in view to gradually establish a constitutional
form of government.... It was with this object in view that in the
eighth year of Meiji (1875) we established the Senate, and in the
eleventh year of Meiji (1878) authorized the formation of local
assemblies.... We therefore hereby declare that we shall, in the
twenty-third year of Meiji (1890) establish a parliament, in order
to carry into full effect the determination we have announced; and we
charge our faithful subjects bearing our commissions to make, in the
meantime, all necessary preparations to that end."


[Footnote 1: C. Lanman, The Japanese in America, p. 38.]

[Footnote 2: Mossman's New Japan, p. 442.]

[Footnote 3: C. Lanman, The Japanese in America, p. 14.]

[Footnote 4: The translation of the whole memorial is given in C.
Lanman's Leading Men of Japan, p. 87.]

[Footnote 5: The Imperial decree of 1875.]

[Footnote 6: The translation given in C. Lanman, Leading Men of Japan.
p. 47.]

[Footnote 7: See the Appendix of Griffis' The Mikado's Empire.]



***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF
JAPAN 1863-1881***


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